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ELI STEELE: California forces companies to mine the past for slavery's sins
Culture -- Fox News Opinion

ELI STEELE: California forces companies to mine the past for slavery's sins

Published October 22, 2026 · 05:02 AM UTC
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California's AB 2599 forces companies to disclose ties to slavery, but Eli Steele argues it fuels a White guilt transaction instead of fixing schools.
The Anvil Daily's Analysis: Why This Matters

California's AB 2599, signed into law last October and taking effect January 1, 2025, requires publicly traded companies and state contractors worth over $100 million in annual revenue to disclose any historical ties to slavery. The law applies retroactively to any company connection dating back to 1865—the year slavery officially ended in America. Companies must file these disclosures with California's Secretary of State or face penalties. The bill passed with overwhelming Democratic support and minimal Republican resistance at the time, framed as a transparency and reckoning measure. Supporters cited companies like JP Morgan and Aetna that had already issued their own slavery apology statements, suggesting the law would simply formalize what corporations were voluntarily doing anyway.

But the mechanism creates something closer to corporate confession than actionable policy. A company discovers a 19th-century predecessor invested in slavery—common for any 150-year-old financial institution—files the paperwork, and then what? The law contains no enforcement mechanism, no mandated remediation, no fund creation tied to the disclosures. It's essentially mandatory corporate transparency theater. Critics point out that Walmart, Amazon, and Apple will disclose historical supply-chain connections or founder-era investments, the state files it away, and life continues. The disclosure creates no pathway to restitution; it simply creates a documented archive of corporate sin. Meanwhile, California's public schools remain underfunded, teacher salaries lag, and the state's Black student achievement gaps persist at rates unchanged for a decade.

The conservative critique of AB 2599 runs deeper than simple skepticism of disclosure requirements. This is a law that solves nothing for the descendants of enslaved people while creating an elaborate mechanism for white corporate guilt laundering. A company discloses a 140-year-old predecessor's involvement in slavery, stakeholders feel that accountability has been achieved, and nothing material changes. The law treats reckoning as a filing exercise rather than redistribution. If the state genuinely believed slavery's descendants deserved remedy, AB 2599 would mandate that disclosed companies fund Black schools in California, create scholarship programs, or establish measurable equity outcomes. Instead, it creates a register of historical grievances with zero corresponding obligation to address present inequality. The law serves the corporations and progressive lawmakers equally—corporations get to perform contrition without cost, and lawmakers get to tell voters they've addressed historical injustice without appropriating a single dollar to do so.

The real stakes emerge when you look at what AB 2599 crowds out. California has a $68 billion budget deficit. The state's four-year graduation rate for Black students sits at 74 percent—eight points below the state average. Teacher shortages in high-poverty districts have worsened every year since 2021. The law's implementation diverts state administrative resources into processing corporate disclosure filings. Sacramento invested political capital into a symbolic measure instead of resource allocation. If the argument is that slavery's legacy demands response in California 2025, the evidence of that legacy isn't archived corporate documents—it's in 15-year-old textbooks, 40-student classrooms, and districts that can't recruit qualified teachers. AB 2599 allows policymakers to point at a signed law and claim action while those tangible gaps remain unaddressed.

Watch for the first corporate disclosures filing in late January 2025, which will clarify how broadly companies interpret "ties to slavery." Financial institutions will likely disclose 19th-century predecessor holdings; retail and manufacturing companies may claim minimal connection. If major corporations push back on interpretation, expect regulatory guidance from California's Secretary of State office by spring. The more significant marker: whether the legislature proposes a follow-up bill in 2026 that ties disclosures to actual funding mechanisms—or whether AB 2599 remains a one-time symbolic action with no sequel. That second outcome would confirm what critics suspect: this was about legislative box-checking, not resource redistribution.