China skeptics raise alarm over Hochul’s plan for upstate NY chip plant: ‘Red flags here with yellow stars’
Read full story at NY Post Politics →Governor Hochul's pitch to build a semiconductor fabrication plant in Whitesboro, just outside Utica, centers on an $8.5 billion public investment—state funds, federal grants, and tax breaks—to attract a private manufacturer to the site. The plan emerged from Hochul's 2023 economic development agenda and was supposed to position upstate New York as a hub for domestic chip production at a moment when the U.S. is trying to rebuild manufacturing capacity away from Taiwan and South Korea. The plant doesn't yet have a committed operator, which is where the alarm bells are ringing hardest among national security hawks in Congress and the Biden administration. Without a locked-in tenant, state officials can't guarantee what technology level will be produced there or who might end up running the facility—a blank check on an asset that's suddenly valuable to every major player in semiconductors, including those with murky ties to Beijing.
The specific concern isn't theoretical. A 2024 memo from the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) flagged the Utica site for potential foreign control issues. Intelligence officials worry that a Chinese state-backed firm or a foreign company with Chinese supply chain entanglement could acquire or partner with whatever manufacturer eventually takes the bait. The chip industry's architecture means a facility producing 14-nanometer or smaller nodes—cutting-edge stuff—could be reverse-engineered or have its IP siphoned. More immediately: production data, workforce training, process refinements, and design specifications from a U.S.-backed fab represent the crown jewels of industrial espionage. If a facility built with $8.5 billion in American taxpayer money ends up under Beijing's influence, even partially, the ROI calculus inverts from economic stimulus to national security hemorrhage.
The parallel here is the Rare Earth Elements squeeze of 2010. After China restricted exports of rare earths—materials essential to smartphones, military hardware, and renewable energy—the U.S. scrambled to rebuild domestic supply chains. But without strict end-use restrictions and foreign ownership bans written into those programs upfront, several rare earth initiatives ended up accessible to Chinese investors or vulnerable to Chinese acquisition once they proved profitable. CFIUS tightened review standards after that debacle, but the Hochul model—announce a massive subsidy, wait for bidders, sort out who controls what later—recreates the same risk structure.
The skeptic's case is straightforward: Hochul's office spent months promoting the Utica site internationally and domestically without securing a manufacturing partner first. This is backwards. You lock down who operates the plant, what they'll make, what security protocols exist, and who owns equity before the shovels hit dirt. Instead, state officials created an asset-in-waiting that attracts global bids—including from countries hostile to U.S. interests. The administration claims it will vet operators through CFIUS, but that review is reactive, not preventive. And CFIUS has limited enforcement tools if, say, a majority stake ends up held by a Singaporean firm with hidden Chinese investors. The $8.5 billion is being dangled without guardrails, which looks less like infrastructure planning and more like a fire sale waiting to happen. Even if the facility ultimately goes to Intel or Samsung, the process itself broadcast to the world that New York will hand over subsidies without front-end conditions on control or accountability.
What happens next pivots on two pressure points. First, CFIUS is expected to issue formal findings on the Utica site by mid-2024, which could force conditions on any eventual operator or kill the deal outright if the committee deems the foreign investment risk unacceptable. Second, Congress—particularly Republicans on the House Intelligence Committee and Senate Armed Services—is demanding Hochul's office disclose what vetting criteria it's using and who is currently in the bidding pool. If Chinese firms or their subsidiaries are on that list, expect immediate legislation blocking federal money from going to the project. The real test comes when an operator is actually announced. That's when CFIUS teeth get bared, and when the state will have to decide if a partner it wants